Yemen Observer: http://www.yobserver.com
Posted in:
Reports
Written By: Jennifer F. Steil
Article Date: Jul 10, 2007 - 1:44:10 AM
United States Deputy Ambassador Nabeel Khoury departed Sana’a this week, after serving in Yemen for three years. The Yemen Observer met with him on the day of his departure, July 4, to ask him what he observed and learned during his time here.
Yemen Observer: You’ve just completed three years in Yemen. What are the biggest changes you have seen over your tenure?
Nabeel Khoury: I’ve seen economic and political reform, in terms of laying a new foundation, an institutional foundation that wasn’t there before. And I have seen a new political will from the top—from the president and top leadership. I’ve also seen improvement in the security institutions. The forces under the Ministry of the Interior, the Counter-Terrorism Unit, and Yemen’s Coast Guard have improved. These were essentially a creation of the US, with close collaboration with the British. And lately other European countries have joined in to assist, particularly with the Coast Guard. These institutions are new, relatively free of corruption, and they are being trained and equipped on a very professional basis. If they are ultimately allowed to play the full role they are supposed to play, they will increase the security of Yemen appreciably.
YO: We hear it’s still relatively easy for things to slip by the Coast Guard. Is this true?
NK: Of course things get by, because there is limited coverage right now. The Coast Guard is really just between Aden and Hodeidah. There is a huge coastline still uncovered. They are in the fourth year of a 10-year plan, so they still have a ways to go. Also, because they are the new kid on the block, they still have political obstacles to overcome, like corruption and the military. I cannot be as positive about the Ministry of Defense as I am about the Ministry of the Interior.
YO: Why is that?
NK: The military here still suffers from a serious corruption problem. It’s being run by individuals, not by institutions. There is misuse of public funds. There is arms trafficking. There is a serious lack of education and training. The security forces that are part of the Interior are doing much better.
YO: Do you feel optimistic about President Ali Abdullah Saleh’s proposed reforms actually being implemented?
NK: Yes, I feel positive about those reforms being implemented. Where we are with reforms is 50 percent of the way. We as the US Embassy and European donor countries have been pushing on the same theme. What we have achieved is institutional and legislative. There are now new laws and new committees. In terms of institutions, this is good. The rest of the way is implementation, and having these laws become effective. That will be seen in the next two years. I would have loved to stay and see the implementation phase. In all honesty, the next phase needs hard work and a lot of luck to keep things on track and implement reform. To be realistic, one must admit that without hard work and luck, things could also slide backwards.
YO: What do you see as the United States’ greatest achievements in Yemen?
NK: We have effectively prioritized the fight against corruption. It is now the number one priority for the US government and many European donors. And for the World Bank, and I think for the Yemeni government, it is now number one on the agenda. That was not the case three years ago. We have also tied development assistance, through the Millennium Challenge Corporation, to the achievement of reforms, so it’s a carrot-and-stick approach. American development assistance in the next few years can rise dramatically or not, depending on the implementation of reforms. This is important, because corruption affects every other goal that we or the Yemenis have—whether democracy building or security. Every goal will depend on ending corruption, in order to achieve economic development and stability. Because you cannot have democracy while political corruption is rampant. And you cannot have economic development while big investments and large tenders are being thwarted by corruption. You cannot have security when those in charge of it are more interested in their personal agendas than in the security of the country.
YO: Speaking of security, many people are worried about their safety in the wake of the recent bombing in Marib, in which seven Spanish tourists and two Yemeni drivers were killed. What do you think will be the impact of this attack?
NK: Unfortunately, it will have a negative impact on tourism as well as on investment. But it—in this sense, it’s not unlike other countries that have suffered from terrorist attacks—Britain, Spain. I think in Yemen, the difference is that there is a history of compromise with extremists, who in the past promised not to practice their extremism in Yemen. Those promises have gone out the window. The extremists are now trying to hurt Yemen.
YO: So what should the government do now?
NK: The government needs to be serious about the state of law and order, in which there is no compromise with terrorists. They need to stop arms trafficking completely, and shut down private sector arms brokers. And they need to seal the borders, with full authority to the Yemeni Coast Guard and the Counter-Terrorism Unit.
YO: The US Embassy recently canceled its Fourth of July party, meant to be your farewell party. Was this in response to security concerns?
NK: The cancellation was not a reflection on Yemen’s ability to protect the party. But it was partly out of sympathy with the victims of the Marib attacks. And because we were telling people to be careful for a few days, it wasn’t appropriate to invite them to a big bash.
YO: Another pressing issue for Yemen right now is the situation in Sa’ada. The al-Houthi rebels and government forces have just signed a Qatar-brokered agreement to end the conflict. What are your thoughts on the recent developments there?
NK: There is an agreement in place now. And there is a ceasefire that seems to be holding. And that is a good thing. It is an accomplishment. The problem is making sure that the agreement holds. And going beyond the agreement to dealing with the causes of the conflict.
YO: Which are?
NK: Extremism, to some extent caused by economic deprivation, a bit of social isolation, and a sense of being abused by those who are supposed to provide law and order. I think what Sa’ada needs is what the rest of the country needs, which is an end to corruption, and decentralization. The local councils need to be empowered with a proper budget and proper division of authority. Meaning they should be equal partners in political, economic, and cultural policies. There is no harm in allowing people in different regions of the country to practice their own cultural, religious, and social customs, provided they are not threatening the state or using violence. People have a sense of injustice if the central government is imposing on them decisions in these three areas.
YO: So what do you think of the government’s handling of the recent conflict in Sa’ada?
NK: This is at least the third major military confrontation they have had, after two previous clashes. They did not open up the area for investors and donor countries. They kept it a military zone. The US Embassy has not been able to go to Sa’ada for the past three years. If they had allowed the donor countries to help in reconstruction and assistance, young people in Sa’ada would have seen the benefits of peace and interacting with foreigners. As it is, they don’t have economic benefits, and they have been isolated from outside contact. Although there has been some foreign influence (from Iran and Libya, though very minimal. It’s not the main issue.) on the rebels, they have been sufficiently motivated by local conditions, and they have found all of the weapons that they needed on the local market. These people are unhappy with their relationship with the central government.
YO: Do you think the government was right to impose a media blackout on Sa’ada during the war?
NK: No. We recommended letting the media in. The media is always good in that it can give those who don’t have a voice a platform to speak from, and it can expose corruption. You have thousands of displaced people nobody was talking about. The government should have nothing to hide in that area. If there were some bad government practices, they should be exposed. But they were dealing with an armed rebellion, and that was unjustified. It is never justified to take arms against the government. We have been clear that the government has the right to meet force with force. But in terms of getting at the roots, and finding a long-term solution, the government should consider the media and civil society organizations as their allies—in the sense of exposing mistakes and suggesting solutions. They really need to move on from a limited agreement to a more comprehensive strategy.
YO: Okay, before we wrap up, we have a few more whimsical questions for you, if you don’t mind.
NK: Not at all.
YO: What is your favorite Yemeni food?
NK: Shafout.
YO: If you could pack three things from Yemen to take back to the US with you, which three things would you take? And they don’t have to actually be things that would fit in your suitcase.
NK: The scenery. The mountain views from some of the remote villages are incomparable. I haven’t seen anything like it. And brave Yemeni women, who are fearless in pushing for women’s rights and human rights. They are really very feisty when they have a channel. YO: And the third thing? NK: Honey. Yemeni honey. Although that is hard to take home these days. It gets confiscated at airports.
YO: What will you miss the most about Yemen?
NK: Yemeni openness. I have very much enjoyed interacting with Yemenis, in the government, the opposition, in civil societies. They are very open to discussing anything you want to discuss, and ultimately optimistic that their country can be the best in the world. And that is really very special.
YO: And what is next for you? Where are you heading now?
NK: I have a one-year assignment as faculty advisor at the US Marine War College in Virginia. I don’t know what happens after that. I would like to have another overseas assignment. I’d like to be ambassador to Lebanon, Syria, or Jordan. But I have no idea at this point if that will happen.
YO: Oh, there is something else we’re curious about. What has it been like to be a Lebanese-American, and have to defend the Bush administration?
NK: I have been in the Foreign Service for 20 years, and worked with several different administrations. In general, I have not had a problem being Arab-American. I have never had to say anything in public I didn’t believe in. I certainly have my differences, with not just the Bush administration, but with other administrations, but as a professional diplomat, I sometimes have to keep my personal views to myself. I try to help by bridging the gap between American foreign policy and Arab public opinion. The Arab public in general.
YO: Just one more before you go: Do you think Yemen is safe for Americans?
NK: Yes. As safe as anywhere else. I used to feel more threatened on some of the streets of London than I feel here or other places. In London the Islamic extremists are more empowered than they are here. In certain districts and streets, you can sense the hostility.
YO: Thank you very much for speaking with us, and good luck with everything.
NK: Good luck to you.
